‘Can I interview you?’ My voice is solemn, and so is my expression.
‘Interview? For what? You’re from a surat akhbar (newspaper)?’
‘I’m writing a book. I’ll pay you thirty.’ A speeding motorcycle leaves a trail of white exhaust that tingles my nostrils and I wave the air a few times with one hand. ‘I can treat you eat mee rebus (noodles) at the Mamak hawker stall.’
‘Thank you, but I don’t want. I don’t like to talk about my personal life. Can you ask the other girls.’
I focus my attention on her companion, who has a broad forehead, a hook nose and bee-stung lips. ‘What about you? Get thirty ringgit for telling me your story?’
‘Cerita (story) about what? What you want to know?’ Her voice is delicate, as if acid has eroded her voice chords.
‘Your work here, walking the streets.’
‘Hmm, okay, you pay first.’ She stretches out her hand. ‘No photographs. I’ll spend only thirty minutes with you.’
I give her the payment. Her finger nails are long and varnished. She keeps the money in her handbag, and slings it over her shoulder.
‘Allow me to go upstairs and kencing (pee) first.’ Her companion moves aside from the stairway.
‘I need to pee too. Can I borrow your toilet?’
‘Boleh (Can).’ She mounts the stairs and I follow behind, her bottom waggling just a foot higher from my line of sight.
‘What’s your name?’ My voice echoes in the narrow stairway.
She turns around to answer me. ‘Please call me Sophia.’ Her hair – long, sleek and straight, with lustrous looks – sways from side to side.
‘Is this your working place and residence?’
‘Yes.’ Entering the flat, she walks down a corridor to the back and goes to the lavatory. From within comes the sound of water gargling several seconds later as the toilet bowl is flushed. She reappears and I enter, and a whiff of ammonia envelops me.
I stand up to pee, and leave the door ajar, looking warily over my shoulder. ‘How much’s the rental here?’ Sophia is fingering the hem of her miniskirt.
‘Seven hundred. I share this place with my friend, the one you were talking to.’
Other massage parlors which may not be parlors at all advertise their services on Jalan Pudu and other streets around town. They use everything from leaflets and stickers to graffiti to promote their businesses, sometimes right in front of large and popular shopping centers. These services are typically trustworthy but there’s always a risk involved when dealing with operations like these.
Larger and better established massage parlors offering full service are scattered around town. I’ve already posted a review of Deluxe Health Spa. Other similar venues abound like Genesis Sauna Spa on Level 10 of Menara Genesis at 33 Jalan Sultin Ismail and Green Elephant Spa in the parking garage behind Sungai Wang Plaza on the same street. Someone published this list of sexy massage parlors in Kuala Lumpur back in 2010 but I can’t vouch for its accuracy. Typical rates at places like these range from 230 to 300 Ringgit.
Kuala Lumpur is also home to a number of freelancers who come into the country from places like Vietnam and the Philippines on tourist visas in search of some quick cash. These freelancers can be found all around with a quite a few using dating sites to meet potential clients during the day, even though they may not be explicit about their search for cash.
The most popular venues are unquestionably a select number of bars where foreign and a few local men mingle together in hopes of making a financially motivated match. I posted a review of the Beach Club in Kuala Lumpur last month. The Thai Club across the street is a very similar establishment. Women at these bars usually ask for 300 to 600 Ringgit for a full night of fun.
As the term "massage parlor" is considered a taboo term in Malaysia, savvy entrepreneurs have created newer and more acceptable sounding names as substitutes. Today, a massage parlour in Malaysia is called a Spa, health centre, reflexology center, body work or a combination of these.
It is well known for massage parlours in Malaysia, by whatever name called, to offer a variety of services instead of just the ordinary massage. Most massage centers offer facial, hot baths, manicure and pedicure, and also erotic massage services.
Most Malaysian male believe (or choose to believe) that erotic massage stimulates the libido, thus increasing male vitality and virility.
While in the West, erotic massage is basically about a naked masseuse massaging the customer then proceeding to have sexual intercourse with him, in Asia, erotic massage (locally simply referred to as the "Special") is more than this. It involves a special technique of massaging the customer's penis and genitals.
In Malay this kind of massage is called the "Urut Batin" and in Chinese, "Chook Kan" or generically referred to as the "manhood massage" which is simply a penis massage. Malaysians believe that the manhood massage therapy is a good remedy for erectile dysfunction. Research show that it is possible for this form of massage to originate from the tantric massage tradition (based of the principles of tantra) where massaging the lingam (penis in Tamil) is the essential part of the routine.
As the popularity of the Special or Urut Batin massages increased, foreign women from China and neighbouring countries such as Thailand, Indonesia, Philippines and Vietnam were recruited by "agents" to work as "massage girls" (the local term for masseuse) and / or prostitutes. These women are placed in Spas, health centres, reflexilogy centres or similar establishments which are nothing more than disguised brothels.
‘What’s a typical day for you?’ I take a sip of teh tarik.
‘I wake up late, usually past noon or 1 pm.’ She turns her attention away from me, smiles at a transsexual walking past, and continues: ‘After bathing, I wash my clothes and towels. If business has been good, lots of towels are used. Then, I take lunch followed by a quick visit to the cyber cafe. Check emails, chat online, surf a bit. I have a blog where I advertise my services as escort. Once in a while, I get business. Then I come back to watch TV or read magazines.
‘Late in the evening, I start my makeup, which takes almost an hour. I use a few make-up techniques that are popular with mak nyah. For example, I cover my brows with glue stick, then I apply pressed powder on the glue. After that, I apply liquid foundation all over and I use stencil to draw my brows. These are things they don’t teach in makeup courses. Make-up is the magic that turns a man into a woman.’ She smirks with a gleam in her eyes. ‘Even if you meet me tomorrow, you won’t recognize me without my makeup.’
Sophia sucks at her soft drink, belches repletion, and rises from her chair. ‘That’s all I’ve to say. Minta maaf (sorry), I’ve to go. Bye-bye.’ She smiles apologetically and her shadow slowly melts away in the orange light of the street-lamps.
After finishing my drink, I take my leave and head to the night bazaar. Dozens of makeshift stalls are packed with new and used jeans, handbags, t-shirts, porn CDs, DIY tools, stolen shoes and sandals and steaming local food. Standing on the periphery of a row of stalls, a brothel’s tout is scanning the crowd for prospects, and pickpockets are lurking among the shoppers, and Indonesians without travel papers are masquerading as locals amongst the traders.
Thirty-year old Mat Din, a construction supervisor, explains in Malay language: ‘Having stout. The first time you try it, you don’t like it. The second occasion, it tastes better. The third time, you enjoy it. In performance, I find little difference between a sex-change pondan and a woman. Some more, they’re cheap.’
‘My friend and I stumbled upon this area one late night, says Johnny O’Day, a New Zealand tourist. ‘We were walking from our hotel to search for a pub. So many cars were queuing to turn into this particular road we knew it must have something interesting. So we followed the flow of traffic and were surprised to glimpse women hanging around. When we got closer, we realized they were not really women. Anyway, out of novelty, we each booked a shemale and had a unique experience.’
Coco, looking like the person in her picture, is waiting for me in a hotel’s restaurant in Raja Muda Abdul Aziz Road, Chow Kit. She is fitted in a pink, knee-length halterneck dress and red shoes. I am appalled at her footwear, as it makes her extremely conspicuous. After going through the social niceties, we pick our food from the buffet and settle down.
A week ago, I found Coco from the local pages of an international shemale dating website, emailed her and she agreed to meet for a chat. The buffet lunch and RM30 for taxi fare I mentioned in my email won her over.
‘Are you escorting part-time or full-time?’
‘I’m a full-time escort,’ she replies, and shovels a spoonful of curry-soaked rice into her mouth. Her long hair is swept back, and she has a smooth, wide forehead and lively eyes. ‘I’ve been doing this for two years. You know my charges, right? I’m exclusive. Most of my clients are foreigners, gays.’
Sitting in the shaded, cool quiet of a pavilion in Thean Hou Temple, Jimmy Tong, aged thirty-six, remembers his first visit to Xiaoling’s apartment. This memory is two years old but nothing ever fades from it.
A meeting with a client in Cheras is rescheduled, and he recalls a friend gave him the contact number of a freelance China doll. He pulls over to the emergency lane of the expressway and calls from his cell phone.
‘Hello, Xiaoling, my friend Frankie gave me your number. Can I come in an hour’s time?’
Voice: ‘For what? Who’s Frankie? Your friend’s playing the fool with you.’
The line is cut, but he calls again. ‘Hello, Xiaoling?’
‘Your client Frankie Chan gave your number. He’s early thirties, wears spectacles.’
‘Peking Duck,’ Jimmy says.
She gives him the address, and he tells her the colour of his clothes.
Later, while waiting in the foyer of her apartment block, he phones again. A dark-skinned security guard, aware of the goings-on, smirks when he registers in the visitors’ book and waits facing the lift doors.
It isn’t long before a lift opens and a porcelain-skinned girl in her early twenties sticks her head out, looks at Jimmy, smiles and beckons him in. She is wearing tight shorts, sandals, and a skin-clinging shirt barely concealing plump breasts. Jimmy steps in and exchanges pleasantries with Xiaoling until they reach her apartment. In her room is a double bed, a dressing mirror, a reflected double bed in the dressing mirror, a closet with mirror, a reflected bed there, a bathroom door, a TV, and two frilled, pink-shaded night-lamps, left and right.
He struggles to find the words. ‘My friend, Frankie Chan, the one who introduced Xiaoling to me. He got into far worse trouble than me – with another girl.’
Jimmy Tong begins his story of his buddy, and according to him, Frankie Chan’s predicament started after his regular tootsie returned to China for more than a year and came back.
The scene takes place in Frankie’s office.
‘Mr. Chan, a Miss Li is waiting to see you,’ a voice says over the intercom. ‘She doesn’t have an appointment.’
‘Huh? Miss Li?’ Frankie Chan pauses for a moment. ‘It’s alright, send her in.’ He straightens his necktie and leans forward on his desk.
‘Hello … qing ai de (darling),’ says the visitor, entering and closing the door behind. Two hoop rings hang from her ears. She is wearing a pair of slacks and a blue kimono top, and is cradling a sleeping baby in one arm.
Her words hit him like a battering ram, and he slumps back in his swivel chair.
The baby resembles him, with broad jowls, jug-handle ears and thick lips.
Chan stares into Miss Li’s dark brown eyes – so full of memories. In the twin lakes, he remembers her apartment in Old Kelang Road when he was her regular client for more than three months, her bed with silk sheets, her curvy body. Their sessions were lengthy and filled with passion.
‘This is your son,’ Miss Li says, smiling. ‘I’ve no money to raise him. Formula milk and nappies are expensive. You’ve to send me maintenance every month. I can’t afford to upkeep him. If you don’t, I’ve no choice but to leave him in an orphanage.’
‘Where’s the proof he’s my son?’
‘You can take him for a DNA test if you want.’ She produces a piece of paper from her pocket with one hand. ‘Here’s his birth certificate. Photocopy only. You’re registered as the father.’
Silence hangs between them for several seconds as they eat.
‘Okay, I agree.’ Zhao drags the words out with the difficulty of a criminal walking in leg shackles.
A fortnight’s time unfurls a turning point for Zhao when she receives a call from Jiang.
‘Hello, good news! I found a customer for you. Tomorrow, two o’clock, come to the Golden Summer Hotel. Once you’re in the lobby, phone me. I’ll tell you the room number.’
Next day, Zhao pops a contraceptive pill and rides a bus to her place of assignation. Her rap on the door makes it swing open and she steps in. A man is sitting at the foot of a single bed. The hair at the back of her neck prickles.
Behind her, Jiang closes the door and smiles. ‘This is Mr. Ho. He’s a nice man. Gentle and kind.’
His build reminds Zhao of a tugboat on the Pearl River. Stocky, he has heavy brows and his skin is like the skin of a plucked chicken.
Mr. Ho digs into his pocket and counts four thousand yuan. ‘Who shall I pay to?’
Jiang extends her hand and takes the cash. She turns to Zhao Mi and says: ‘I’ll wait in the restaurant on the corner of the street.’
More than an hour passes before Zhao joins Jiang at her table, who gives her the share of the receipts.
Her new-found lady pimp fiddles with a dish mat bearing a dragon motif. ‘I can get other customers for you.’
‘You mean, sell myself at a cheaper price?’
Jiang leans back and chortles. ‘No need! We’ll charge the same price by using trickery. You just pretend to be a virgin.’
‘Each time I get a customer for you, I’ll buy a chicken or a pigeon from the market. I’ll slaughter the animal, soak a small sponge in its blood and pass it to you. You just insert the sponge inside you before sex.’
‘What’s your price?’
‘Three hundred malaysian ringgit.’
Nur manoeuvres forward, thrusting one breast close to Leo’s face, and he becomes microwaved butter. The threesome adventure taught Leo all kinds of complicated positions.
I laugh as Leo slaps his forehead with one hand. ‘I didn’t know how to say no to her,’ he says, chortling. ‘She was so slick, yet so aggressive.’ He takes a drink from his coffee mug and bites a chunk off his carrot cake.
Leo adds that another unforgettable incident involved an Indonesian, and he reprises his role as a raconteur, whipping up images in my imagination. As Leo remembers, he and a co-worker are in the men’s toilet, facing the urinal.
‘Hey, man! I just banged an Indon part-timer,’ the co-worker says. ‘She gives massages and a happy ending. Well worth the price. I got her contact number from another Indon girl – her friend.’
‘What’s the damage like?’
‘Only one hundred sixty. She’s a domestic maid. Her employer’s gone overseas for a vacation. She’s alone so she can do what she wants.’ The co-worker zips up and goes to wash his hands in the basin.
Leo surveys himself in the mirror after having urinated. ‘What? You mean go to her employer’s house?’
‘Yes. She’s alone.’ The co-worker adjusts his necktie.
‘Is it safe? Any CCTV camera in the house?’ Leo takes a comb from his back pocket and starts to comb his hair.
‘Of course not! Otherwise I wouldn’t dare to go. Want her contact number? I SMS to you now. Can only go during the day when the neighbours are at work.’
‘Is she pretty?’
‘Yeah. Actually, she underpriced herself.’ The co-worker chuckles and pulls out his cell phone from the case pouch hooked to his belt and thumbs a few buttons. ‘Here, you go. Rianti’s contact number.’
‘What is price?’
‘Two hundred and thirty ringgit, reflexology bundled in.’
Charles and I regard the helicopter-sex provider. She’s wearing a pink, V-necked bandage dress, and is tall and lanky with narrow shoulders. Her arms dangle a mile out of her sleeves, and her frame appears loosely hung together.
‘If I don’t take the reflexology, can or not?’
‘Reflexology’s our registered business. You’ve to pay the reflexology fee whether you want her to perform it or not.’
‘What about reflexology alone?’
‘Fifty, half an hour. Don’t be calculative. Has lots of health benefits.’
Charles asks: ‘Who are number two, four and six?’
The pimp, Charles and I turn to eye the row of women. ‘Number two’s wearing floral print dress,’ the hustler says. Her face is like a wrinkled peach. ‘Number four in t-shirt.’ Her hair hangs in little rolled clusters, like sausages, and her eyes are wide-spaced. ‘Number six, dark slacks.’ Her heavy-lidded eyes and the disorder of her ebony hair make her appear sleepy.
Charles scrutinizes the helicopter-sex provider again. ‘I’ll take the special helicopter package.’
‘Enjoy yourself,’ I say to Charles. ‘I’ll wait for you.’ I settle down on a sofa.
Two hours later, Charles and I are speeding away from Puchong on the highway back to the city. ‘How was the package?’ I ask.
In Charles’ recollection, a jimber-jawed woman with grey hair leads him down a passage to the back area. A wooden built-in closet stands near a kitchen countertop. It measures about six feet high, three feet wide and two feet broad. The woman opens the door of the closet to reveal a pile of old newspapers stacked three feet high. She knocks on the wooden back of the closet, which swings open. The woman side-steps the newspapers and goes through the entryway to an open area, with Charles in tow.
‘The hot towels stimulate blood flow,’ she explains.
Ten minutes pass. During the interim, she and Fei Chai chat about her family in Indonesia and how she learned urut batin. She told Fei Chai she was married at eighteen and has a one-year old son, and her husband approves of her work. Now, she removes the towels and dries his genital area.
Then she uncaps a bottle of herbal oil and pours some on one palm. With both hands, she rubs the oil on his weener.
‘This is deep-tissue massage.’ With her thumb and forefinger, she squeezes and pinches Fei Chai’s weener and testicles.
‘How do you feel?’
Aroused, Fei Chai stretches his left hand and starts to stroke Cathy’s thigh.
She pushes his hand away. ‘Sayang (darling), now cannot touch. We discuss special service later.’ The urut batin lasts for twenty minutes. ‘Now, for the suction pump.’
She takes out the contraption from the basket. It consists of a plastic tube about eight inches long connected to a suction pump by a rubber hose.
‘Relax.’ She slips the plastic tube over Fei Chai’s weener, pulls the constrictor chord at the end so that it is fastened tightly and manually activates the suction pump. Air flows out of the plastic tube; blood surges into the organ and engorges it.
Fei Chai’s loins are about to explode like a grenade. After thirty minutes, she switches off the machine and removes it.
‘Want beer massage? It’s popular in Indonesia. Fifty ringgit only.’
‘Eh? Why you can play with beer?’
In a garbage dump the size of three soccer fields in Medan Marelan, Sumatra, Budiwati, aged seventeen, trudges ankle-deep in litter and scans around her. She picks up recyclable items like tin cans, plastic bottles and cardboards and takes them home, two kilometres away. Having scavenged for the past five years, four hours every day, she is oblivious to the stench assailing her nostrils and the flies buzzing about her face.
When Budiwati has collected a sizable quantity, her mother takes the bags of recyclable items to a scrap dealer. She and her family stay in a one-roomed shack made of planks and a rusty zinc roof. There is no sanitation, water or electricity, and she has never attended school. When she was ten, her father, a bemo (three-wheeled motorcycle-taxi) driver, died in an accident. Her family, comprising her mother, elder sister and younger brother, moved to the shack in the slum of Medan Marelan for which the landlord charged 100,000 rupiah a month.
When she arrives home, her mother says to her, ‘You’re old enough to get a job. I’ve arranged for a friend, Pak Hartono, to take you to Dumai. There you’ll board a ferry to Malacca. From Malacca, you’ll proceed to Kuala Lumpur, where you’ll get a high-salary job. Please obey these people. Don’t be scared – there’ll be other girls travelling with you.’
Budiwati has been expecting this move. She recalls that the previous year, two men came in a black, shiny car. They took her elder sister, Citra, away and gave her mother a wad of rupiah notes in exchange. For several months, the family ate better food than before, and her mother bought new dresses and a pair shoes for her. Her mother told her Citra was sent to work as a maid for a rich family in Jakarta. But, Budiwati knew her sister was sold into prostitution in the capital’s red-light district of Mangga Dua. Many other teenage girls in the slum suffered the same fate.
Boss, got Indonesian awek (girls). Pretty and young, a pimp says. ‘Just arrived two days ago.’ The flesh-peddler leads him from room to room, hard-selling him on the friendly and accommodating services rendered by his sex workers.
A brown, petite girl in her twenties, wearing short hair, jorts and a green-collared t-shirt is settled in the second room, its air-conditioner purring like the engine of a motorboat. Ismail considers her the prettiest among the bunch.
He pays 70 ringgit upfront to the pimp and enters the room. An area in one corner, about four feet square, is set off by a cement partition about two feet high on one side and six inches on the other, and has a tap. Within minutes, Ismail’s face is scrunched up with pleasure.
Suddenly, a loud banging comes from the door. ‘Police! Police! Run! Quick!’
Ismail and her partner spring from the bed. The prostitute jumps into her skirt and yanks her t-shirt over her head. Carrying her panties and brassiere in one hand, she unlatches the door and scuttles away. Ismail removes his condom, puts on his clothes and sandals and finally bolts out of the room.
He dashes along the corridor to the front door. It is locked! He scuttles to the back. The back door is also locked! An Indian man, in the process of buttoning his shirt, scurries from another room and joins him. Bloody hell, the pimp and the prostitutes ran away, leaving them locked!
The Indian man shouts through a crack between the door. ‘Open the door, Bang (Brother)! Open the door!’ Both men hammer the iron door with their fists.
From outside, a voice yells, ‘Be patient! Be patient!’ The lock turns from the outside and the split iron-door is pushed open. ‘I didn’t know both of you were still in the room,’ the pimp says. ‘I thought you’d run out through the front.’ He locks the door again and the party flees.
Bangkok – Notorious and famous
Beijing – capital of the People's Republic of China with the Tiananmen Square and the Forbidden City
Dubai – most modern and progressive emirate in the UAE, developing at an unbelievable pace
Hong Kong – a truly world-class metropolis with a unique mixed Chinese and British heritage
Mumbai – most eclectic and cosmopolitan city of India, well-known for the Bollywood film industry
Seoul – beautiful palaces, great food and a hopping nightlife, Seoul is a frenetic way to experience the Asia of old and new
Singapore – modern, affluent city-state with a medley of Chinese, Indian, Malay and British influences
Tokyo – the world's largest city brings a huge, wealthy and fascinating metropolis with high-tech visions of the future side by side with glimpses of old Japan
Bali – unique Hindu culture, beaches and mountains on the Island of the Gods.
Guangzhou – one of the most prosperous and liberal cities in the south China, near Hong Kong.
Kolkata – formerly known as Calcutta. The cultural capital of India, Kolkata is home to numerous colonial buildings.
Delhi – New Delhi is the capital of India and is situated within the larger area of Delhi. The neighboring towns of Delhi form an urban continuity with Delhi, and they are Noida, Ghaziabad, Gurgaon, Faridabad, etc.
Shanghai – famous for its riverside cityscape, a major commercial centre with many shopping opportunities.
Jakarta – the perennially congested capital which is also the largest city of Indonesia.
Phnom Penh – the capital of Cambodia.
Manila - the national capital of Philippines, is one of the most densely populated cities in the world - with all of that implies in terms of pollution, crime, urban poverty and traffic jams - with few parks.
Ho Chi Minh City – Vietnam's largest city.
The hooker, swallowing hard, looks from Ah Lek to the lady-pimp.
‘Why? Why do you want to see her I.C.?’ asks the she-hustler.
‘To make sure, she’s not underage.’
‘You’re a very annoying client! I don’t want your business,’ the lady-pimp says, opening the door. ‘Get lost, get lost.’
Ah Lek, letting out a huge breath, strides out of the room. As he passes the reception, the hotel-keeper beckons him with a wave of his hand. Ah Lek approaches him and the hotel-keeper leans close to his face.
‘Luckily, you didn’t take that girl,’ he jabbers in Cantonese. ‘You knew what I was trying to hint to you just now?’ He wags a finger in front of his face. ‘It’s a nasty set-up. When a customer opens the door to leave, a conman will barge in. The conman will threaten him with a police report, say that he has committed statutory rape. Sorry – ’ He wipes off the saliva droplets he sputtered on Ah Lek’s face. ‘Of course, the conman is only after his money. And the mother-hen (lady-pimp) is his conspirator.’
At 10 pm, Ah Lek starts his browse in Chow Kit district. The stores retailing textiles, shoes and clothes have closed, so he knows working ladies hanging around cheap hotels to solicit clients are easy to spot. He passes two budget inns but they are ‘clean’. Further ahead, he spies a working lady outside a motel. From twenty paces, her silhouette is like that of a Barbie doll’s; from five, she’s a chocolate-skinned watusi in her thirties with long hair. High cheekbones dominate her face.
In Kuala Lumpur, lower class brothels and prostitutes are mostly located in Jalan Alor, Jalan Hicks and Jalan Bukit Bintang all in the Bukit Bintang area, and in Jalan Thambipillay, in the Brickfields area. These, as well as the infamous red-light district of Lorong Haji Taib and Chow Kit is the hub for escort business and prostitution in Kuala Lumpur.
Be really careful when seeing a sexy worker from these areas as most of them are aggressive, abusive and thieves. They talk nice to attract clients and if clients are willing to spend time with them they are taken to a cheap, dark and small love room nearby and these prostitutes demand money in advance. The moment they receive the money, clients are treated badly and are pushed to rush and leave the room within 5 minutes. Some of these prostitutes use abusive language if their clients insist to spend the full time with them for which they were charged. If anything is reported to the police it will go against the victims not the prostitutes as prostitution is illegal in Malaysia and the police get commissions from these prostitutes and provide protection to them.
Higher class Kuala Lumpur escorts or call girls (sometimes also called escorts) normally ply their trade at nightspots in Jalan Bukit Bintang, Jalan Sultan Ismail, Jalan Horley and Jalan Imbi. The sex industry was once the territory of local prostitutes, but this has almost totally changed over the last decade.
With the influx of prostitutes from China, Thailand, Indonesia, Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam and the Philippines, the local girls are getting the run for their money. Of all these foreigner women, those from China (locally called China Girls or China Dolls) seem to have entrepreneurial advantage. In addition, there are many prostitutes from African countries as well who work outside many of the bars and nightspots around Kuala Lumpur.
Gay modeling in internet is getting more popular all the time and it's a big market alongside with gay porn. You can watch gay live sex also in Kuala Lumpur as long as you are connected to internet.
Internationalisation of Kuala Lumpur has contributed to the growing acceptance of a discreet gay scene.
There are many places in Kuala Lumpur where you can find Gay Parties, Gay Clubs, Gay Saunas and Gay Massages. You also have options to use male escort services and there are thousands of sexy rentboys in Kuala Lumpur.
Probably at the lowest level of the prostitution in Kuala Lumpur is the sex one can solicit in KL parks and city areas. This trade is usually serviced by young men who want to make some extra money. Popular areas for street sex is Central market late at night, and Taman Tasik Park in Titiwangsa. Some toy boys are searching only female clients though.
The most famous of gay bar is probably the naughty Blue Boy bar which has a special drag show every night. There are also a large number of restaurants that are gay and lesbian friendly and also gay massage parlors can be found in KL.
Bintang Beer Garden Dart Addicts Sports Bar just new opened in Puchong & we is exactly what you'd expect from a neighborhood pub, small & dingy but very private and homely. There played sports on telly & AV system for karaoke session. If you're not in mood to put on show, there a pool table set & dart machines in the middle of the bar. We able arrange for the private party or event.
If you don’t feel like visiting or cannot find any local sex shops in Kuala Lumpur, you can easily order adult products from Online Sex Shop.
Sex toys and adult related toys can be found from several street vendors. Also Cialis, Viagra and Kamagra can be bought from many Pharmacies.
Finding a real sex shop from the streets is unusual but you can order some toys or other adult stuff from online sex shops in internet.
You can also find sex workers from the nightclubs in Kuala Lumpur. Some of these girls who work at the nightclubs are only part-time escorts and they have other jobs on the side.
Chin and Finckenauer paint a complex picture of the varied roles and responsibilities faced by different actors in the transnational prostitution markets they studied. Bolstered by rich narratives from interview text and field observations, they provide readers a unique window into the lives of sex ring workers, operators and facilitators. Interviews with those responsible for organizing and managing the sale of sex suggest that women in the sites studied here face more vulnerability in some commercial sex markets due to local conditions that structure power arrangements among recruiters, facilitators and workers. And despite claims that human trafficking is a form of organized crime, those interviewed by Chin and Finckenauer argue that organized crime groups do not play an important role in the movement of Chinese women for commercial sex.
Although Selling Sex Overseas challenges popular notions about the relationship between sex trafficking and prostitution among adult foreign women, some cautions are warranted. Since sex trafficking is quite purposefully a hidden enterprise, collecting data about trafficking operations and its victims is extremely challenging. Chin and Finckenauer chose to interview women actively involved in selling sex at the time of the interview, rather than relying on information from people who had left the sex trade or escaped experiences of exploitation. They chronicle numerous methodological challenges they faced recruiting women to participate in the study. Ultimately they relied on three methods, they:
1) found women on the street who were selling sex and asked them to participate in an interview, 2) located indoor commercial sex operations and requested consent from the operator or manager to speak with the women selling sex and then asked women to consent to an interview, and 3) located women through referrals of key informants, often managers or "mommies" in brothels.
As the authors note in the concluding chapter, many readers will be skeptical that the interviewees, particularly those women working under the watchful eye of sex ring managers at the time of the interview, were being truthful. While Chin and Finckenauer took a number of precautions to ensure more truthful responses including conducting face-to-face interviews in a place that was comfortable to the interview subject and ensuring anonymity to interview subjects, there are challenges inherent to interviews with sensitive subjects that may undermine the validity of the information gathered from women selling sex. Primary among them is the fact that women who were interviewed about their experiences selling sex overseas may feel compelled to deny exploitation if those doing the exploiting know she will be talking to a researcher.
Ah Lek looks from her face to her feet. Her round face is framed by long hair, her zaftig body, according to his estimate, measures 90-60-90, and her smooth, shapely legs are fit for stocking advertisements. She’s like a lotus in a thrash-filled, muddy pond.
After money exchanges hands, he is clattering the bed with the Kadazan lass. She exudes a flowery scent from her fragrance, enticing him to kiss her on the cheek.
She gently pushes his face away. ‘Cannot kiss.’
‘I pay you ten ringgit extra.’
‘No, I don’t want.’
‘Take the money, don’t be stuck-up.’
She remains silent.
Ah Lek grabs her face with both hands, kisses her lips, and sticks his tongue into her mouth. She tries to push his face away but he resists, his tongue twirling with vigour. With a forceful effort, the prostitute manages to shove his face away.
‘Get out! Get out!’ she yells as a piece of plastic drops to her chest. When she flounces up from the bed, it rolls to the wooden floorboard.
Ah Lek tumbles out of bed and flounders on the floor to regain his balance, stepping on the piece of plastic. He lifts his bare foot.
The piece of plastic is his partial denture of two front teeth! It is broken.
‘I want my money back!’
‘You’ve entered me. No refund.’ She starts to put on her clothes.
‘I haven’t finished yet.’
We would like to express our gratitude to the many people who helped us with the research that is the basis for this book. First, we thank all the Chinese sex workers (or xiaojies as they are called in China), who agreed to take part in our research and who willingly shared their stories with us. We owe our deepest thanks to these women, who are anonymous except for some pseudonyms here.
Second, we are grateful to the various "facilitators" in the sex trade (agents, escort agency owners, mommies, brothel keepers, etc.) who not only let us talk to them, but also let us enter their world and see how they operate their businesses. Again, we can only thank them anonymously because their identities will not be revealed.
Because of Ko-lin Chin’s wide range of family and friends, we were able to rely on them to help directly and indirectly on the project. We owe a debt of gratitude to Huilin (a cousin), her husband C.Y. Shaw, and their son Rui Shaw for helping us in Singapore. In Hong Kong, we were assisted by Ah Ping (a cousin).
We would also like to thank our friends: Yulan Chu, Chuanqiang Zhao, and Guanxuan Cao in Macau; Tiva Jentriacharn in Bangkok; Philip Tien, Benny Phan, and Ferry Siddharta in Jakarta; Punky Pang in Kuala Lumpur; Wei Chen and Jimeng Tang in help when we were in Los Angeles.
We would also like to take this opportunity to express our heartfelt gratitude to our considerate and caring neighbors and friends—the Gundersen family (George II, Barbara, Teresa, and George III)—for support and encouragement, and for providing an ideal environment in which to live and write.
Finally, we were also helped by Diana Hadel (Midge Finckenauer’s niece), who assisted with some translation from Indonesian.
That insidious nature included having to perform sex acts for no pay while working off their debt of $45000 each. Tang, who was sentenced to ten years in prison, was the first person in Australia to be found guilty of sex slavery.
The third woman, Wei Qin Sun, was sentenced on February 22, 2008 in a U.S. federal court in the Northern Mariana Islands following her conviction for sex trafficking.
A jury found her guilty of luring a young woman from China by promising the woman a job as a waitress in a karaoke club managed by Sun. Sun charged the woman $5,000 for "recruitment fees" and travel expenses. It was only after the woman began to work at the club that she was informed that she would have to work as a prostitute to repay Sun. Sun was convicted of coercion and enticement for prostitution, foreign transportation of a person in the execution of a fraudulent scheme, and criminal conspiracy. She was sentenced to three and a half years in prison.
So what can one make of these cases? Actually, many things. We have three Chinese women who exploited, for money, the basic human desire of people to improve their condition. In each case, things did not turn out as the victims hoped or had been promised.
There was debt bondage and deceit, but there was also consent of a kind. Sister Ping was a human smuggler, whereas Tang and Sun were convicted of human trafficking, and specifically of sex trafficking. That distinction is important for our purposes. So too is the matter of the victims’ consent and of coercion. And then there is the way their crimes were organized—how did the three women arrange to carry out their crimes, and who else was involved? These issues and more will be the basis of our discussion. We begin with some background on migration and the distinction between human smuggling and trafficking in Malaysia.
Individually complex real life circumstances can get reduced to simple labels or categories by agency workers. And since affixing the label "trafficking victim" is highly dependent upon who is doing the labeling, it can come to serve strictly administrative purposes such as establishing eligibility for temporary housing, and medical and psychological support.
In contrast to this approach of relying upon subjects defined by others, we think it is critical to find subjects by casting the broadest net possible, and to interview subjects under the broadest range of possible statuses.
We also believe interviews should be conducted under circumstances that will maximize the probability that subjects will be forthcoming and not constrained by other motives or agendas.
By this we mean it is preferable to interview them in their own natural settings, without the presence of a third party. This helps assure subjects that the interview is confidential, and that regardless of what is said there will be no repercussions and nothing to be gained by being untruthful.
We also think it is important not only to compare women from different sex venues, but also in different destination countries.
Again, the available empirical research on sex trafficking has mostly focused on only one group of women from one source country and in one destination country. This approach overlooks the possibility that women from the same source country might have significantly different traveling and working experiences, handlers, clients, payment arrangements, and so on in different destination countries.
Some girls end up pregnant and having abortions. Many acquire HIV or other sexually transmitted disease, not to mention the physiological and medical problems that come from constant abuse and gang rape. Some become alcoholics. Others become drug addicts.
The stories of the plight of the trafficked victims tended to get more and more horrifying as the anti-trafficking discourse grew stronger. In an edited volume entitled Enslaved: True Stories of the Modern Day Slavery, Jesse Sage and Liora Kasten, directors of the American Anti-Slavery Group, described what they called modern-day slavery this way:
Sex slavery ensnares millions of women and girls, some as young as four (young men and boys are also victims). These individuals are often kidnapped, deceived by the promise of legitimate jobs, or even enticed to work as prostitutes — only to find themselves coerced to work without pay and denied the freedom to leave or choose their clients.
There have also been many individual stories of human trafficking cited in the trafficking literature. The two stories presented below are fairly typical: the first is the story of a Thai woman in Japan, and the second that of a young woman in India.
Thip came to Japan in March 1999, having been promised a job as a waitress in a restaurant where she could save money. But when she arrived she was told that she owed 4.5 million yen (approximately $38,500) for the cost of her travel and job placement, and she was put to work in a brothel, where she was kept in a small room and forced to provide sexual services to customers. Thip escaped after working fifteen to sixteen-hour days, every day, for two weeks. The customers paid 12,000 yen (approximately $100) for eight-minute sessions, but Thip’s share was only 2,000 yen. From this amount, Thip was expected to pay 34,000 yen a day for rent and protection money. This meant that she had to serve eighteen clients each day before any earnings were applied toward her debt.
Organized crime is the province of criminal organizations that have a degree of criminal sophistication—their crimes are planned rather than impulsive; they make use of technology; they have accounting and legal expertise available, and so on.
These organizations usually have a structure that has a stable division of labor—different members have specific roles and jobs.
There is self-identification with the organizations through such means as wearing colors, swearing oaths, and the like. And, as indicated, the organization has the authority of reputation.
The more of these sorts of characteristics a criminal organization has, the greater its capacity to wreak harm of all kinds, including economic, physical, and societal.
They are made up of professional criminals who operate continuously over time and over crimes.
So, what criminal organizations fit these exclusive criteria? The best-known examples would be the Sicilian and Russian mafias, Italian La Cosa Nos-tra, the Hong Kong triads, the Japanese Yakuza, and the Colombian drug cartels.
We are not suggesting that it is only these particular criminal groups or others nearly identical to them that we would have to find to conclude that human trafficking is really an organized crime problem.
But we are suggesting that whoever the traffickers are, they have to have more (rather than less) of the kinds of characteristics outlined above for us to reach that conclusion.
As one of the authors has suggested, "crimes that are organized" and "organized crime" are not the same.
The venues include the most visible prostitutes, namely, the street prostitutes, as well as those who work in front businesses such as massage parlors, bars, and so on, and in KTV lounges, private apartments, and in establishments that are purely brothels.
In each site we interviewed between 15 and 18 women who engaged in paid sex, for a total of 164 subjects. All but 15 of these subjects were in overseas locations (outside China), as shown in Table 1.1. The 15 interviews in Shenzhen, China, were done more informally, meaning they were not asked every question in the questionnaire we used to interview women in overseas locations. Those particular interviews were conducted mostly for additional understanding of the context of commercial sex, and because of the possibility that some of the women might be returned prostitutes from overseas.
The following domains of information were gathered from the female subjects by asking both open-ended and closed-ended questions:
• Background characteristics: Age, marital status, number of children (if any), education, place of birth, place of residence before leaving China, work and income history (including work experience in the sex industry, if any), and parents’ occupation.
• Recruitment: Under what circumstances did the subject come to know the recruiter or facilitator, characteristics of the recruiter, what terms and conditions were discussed between the subject and the recruiter, what types of arrangements were made for the trip to the destination country?
To better understand the social organization of commercial sex work, fieldwork was conducted whenever there was an opportunity to do so. For example, one of the authors simply spent time eating with various subjects, normally before or after the interviews. He also spent many hours visiting and observing various red-light districts in Asia. Most red-light districts he visited were packed with people, and because he is ethnic Chinese and speaks both Mandarin and Cantonese (a dialect most people in Hong Kong and Macau and many overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia and North America speak), he was able to blend in easily.
Consequently, he was able to talk to a variety of people, including the owners, the managers, the pimps, the women, and their clients, and to ask them in detail about the local sex business. Very often, he would ask a pimp who was soliciting business in the streets to take him to where the girls were, simply to have an opportunity to observe these places. After he became acquainted with the owner of a sex venue and he let the owner know that he was conducting a research project, he also asked the owner to allow him to hang out, just watching the people who came and went and talking to the women who were working there.
In Taiwan, we were able to observe up close how an escort agency works by following the owner of an escort agency for three evenings. This owner also allowed one of the authors to ride along with a so-called jockey (a driver) and a prostitute for two nights. All parties were informed about the nature and purpose of the participant observation and consented to his involvement.
The rides started around two in the afternoon and lasted until dawn. In the process, we were able to observe the interactions and power dynamics between the prostitute and her driver, and between the woman and her employer (the escort agency owner). We also spent a number of evenings in Taipei eating dinner and/or drinking coffee with a key figure in the sex trade (a woman), and with several women who were working for her.
In all these instances, we remained fully alert to the many ethical issues that might arise while doing this kind of ethnographic fieldwork. We believe the unique opportunity to gain first-hand knowledge about the inner workings of the sex trade more than outweighed any potential ethical concerns that might have arisen. We are confident that our fieldwork neither facilitated the business of the sex ring operators we were studying nor put our female subjects in harm’s way.
In no instances, however, did any owners, managers, or mommies demand or otherwise require the female subjects to speak with us or coach the female subjects what to tell us, at least not to our knowledge. In Bangkok and Jakarta, we asked those female subjects we found on our own to refer their friends and colleagues to us.
In adopting our research approach, we paid attention to what fellow researchers such as Ronald Weitzer had to say about what he thought was the best way to study the sex industry: "Absent a random sample, the best that can be hoped for is a strategy of interviewing people in various geographical locations and in different types of prostitution, in a rigorous and impartial manner. Researchers must strive to create samples that draw from multiple locations and types of workers and that are not skewed toward any particular subgroup. This procedure is known as purposive sampling." We adopted the purposive sampling method in our study.
Table shows the number of subjects we located using the three approaches (i.e., those we approached while they were soliciting business on the streets, those we found at the indoor venues where they were working, and through referrals) by research site. We recruited 17 street prostitutes (11% of the overseas sample of 149), mostly in Singapore and Malaysia. But most Chinese prostitutes in Asia and the United States do not walk the streets, instead working in some indoor setting.
We located 62 subjects (42%) by visiting their venues as potential customers. We relied on this method heavily in Macau and New York, but less so in Jakarta, Los Angeles, and Hong Kong. The majority of the subjects we found this way were working in brothels, hotels, or massage parlors. We did not use this method to locate women working in nightclubs and KTVs because, first, it is quite costly considering cover charges and other charges; and second, it would have been seen as unusual to be visiting these sorts of places alone and also quite difficult to arrange a one-on-one meeting with a hostess.
A study of this nature poses many challenges in terms of validity and reliability. Our subjects from the sex business risked being ridiculed, arrested, deported, or imprisoned if their identities and activities were revealed to the media or the authorities. Their willingness to participate and the level of their truthfulness may therefore be affected by these concerns. We used the following strategies to increase the validity and reliability of the data collection.
We were especially aware of the sensitive nature of interviewing women who engaged in prostitution, and we had explored the field logistics and reliability issues repeatedly during our prior interviews with prostitutes in various Asian cities for another project. To ensure that we would collect rich and reliable data from these subjects, we thus took a number of precautions. First, we conducted all the interviews face-to-face, one-on-one without the presence of another person. Second, we conducted the majority of the interviews in the subjects’ own settings or in public places with which they were familiar. Third, we employed conversational interview techniques to gain the trust and confidence of the interviewees. Fourth, we did not collect any identifiable information. And last, we told our subjects before the interviews that if they did not want to answer a question, to just say "I don’t know" or "I forget" and we would move on to the next question. And in fact, some subjects did just that.
As is true with any research, there are limitations; and this study has several such limitations. It is important to point these out in order to give our readers a basis for judging for themselves the weight to be given our findings and conclusions.
We will have much more to say about this later, but simply want to add here that no matter how reasonable the criticisms from the above woman about our ways of locating our subjects, we also believe that it would be very difficult (albeit not impossible) for sex ring operators to do a lucrative business the way she described: locking up women and accepting new customers only with referrals from regulars.
Guri Tyldum and Anette Brunovskis from the Fafo Institute for Applied International Studies in Oslo made the same point when they wrote: "Even women in situations of serious exploitation and abuse can never be totally invisible in the prostitution arena, as their organizers need to sell the women to clients."
Sheldon Zhang also argued: "Despite sensational claims by the news media and advocacy groups, prostitutes are typically not locked up in cages and let out only to have sex with customers and then sent back to their cages again.
As long as these women and children come in contact with the outside world, there will be venues to study them." Even Victor Malarek, some of whose conclusions are in contrast to ours, echoed this point in his book The Natashas: "To make money, brothel owners and pimps have to make their victims readily available to clients, night in and night out.
It is virtually impossible, therefore, to run an underground sex trafficking enterprise. Johns have to know where to find these women whenever the urge strikes. Their quest has to be simple." Again, we will revisit this issue at some length.
In the next chapter, we will examine the main reasons for Chinese women to go overseas. We will also explore whether these women have been to other countries before they arrived in the country where we interviewed them.
We will also take a look at who the recruiters were, if any, and under what circumstances the women met their recruiters. Finally, we compare the background characteristics of the subjects in various research sites.
In chapter 3 we will introduce the women we interviewed.
However, in reality, it is rare that a xiaojie is able to resist going out with a customer, at least not for long. A streetwalker is also normally referred to as a xiaojie. A jishi, or technician, is a formal name for someone who works in a spa or a sauna as a masseuse, and most jishi also engage in providing sexual services.
A falangmei is someone who works in a "hair salon" as a prostitute. The meaning of these terms will become clearer when we discuss the operations of various sex venues in chapters 4 and 5. To keep it simple, we will use the word xiaojie to denote all the Chinese women who are
(1) hostesses (zuotai xiaojie or sanpei xiaojie) in nightclubs, KTVs, and dancing halls;
(2) technicians (jishi) in spas and saunas;
(3) hair salon ladies (falangmei) in hair salon-style brothels; and
We also want to clarify that, although we use the word prostitute to refer to our female subjects, some of these subjects did not regularly (i.e., on a daily basis) engage in sexual intercourse with their clients, or they engaged in sexual intercourse only with certain customers, or even with just one particular customer whom they referred to as their "husband".
Some of them regularly provided hand jobs and blow jobs rather than sexual intercourse. However, it is safe to say that all our subjects can be considered to be prostitutes because they did in fact provide sexual services for money, regardless of the nature of those services and how frequently they were provided.
A sex trafficking victim is a person who unwillingly engages in commercial sex as a result of force, fraud, or deception. If the processes of force, fraud, and/or deception occur within the borders of one country (namely, China in this case), we will refer to the victim as a domestic trafficked victim; and if it occurs overseas, we will consider the subject a transnational trafficked victim. Of course, if the subject is a minor, then we will consider her to be a trafficked victim regardless of how she was recruited into the sex business.
With the influx of prostitutes from China, Thailand, Indonesia, Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia, Vietnam and the Philippines, the local girls are getting the run for their money. Of all these foreigner women, those from China (locally called China Girls or China Dolls) seem to have entrepreneurial advantage. In addition, there are many prostitutes from African countries as well who work outside many of the bars and nightspots around Kuala Lumpur.